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Additional info for A Laboratory of Transnational History: Ukraine and Recent Ukrainian Historiography
Alexei Miller and Alfred J. Rieber (Budapest and New York, 2004), pp. 47–66. 20 See Anna Veronika Wendland, Die Russophilen in Galizien. Ukrainische Konservative zwischen Österreich und Rußland 1848–1915 (Vienna, 2001); also Ukrajna I:Ideologies minta 44 10/21/08 5:08 PM Page 44 Mark von Hagen Klaus Bachmann, “Ein Herd der Feindschaft gegen Rußland”: Galizien als Krisenherd in den Beziehungen der Donaumonarchie mit Rußland (1907– 1914) (Vienna, 2001). See also the various works by Marianne Hausleitner on Bukovyna.
The best-known example is the application of terminology from the modern era to premodern and early modern times and the archaization of related phenomena. 11 Naturally, we are concerned first and foremost with general typical characteristics of the method and language of nationalized history, in which gradations from radical to moderate are entirely possible. The point here is not to draw up a list of “mortal sins” but to take a fairly detached view; not to make accusations of “backwardness” but to establish facts and render a diagnosis.
3 (1995): 658–73. 4 Early in my self-ukrainization process, I read Stephen Velychenko, National History as Cultural Process (Edmonton, 1992), which highlights the conflicting claims of Polish, Russian, and Ukrainian historiography on the history of Ukraine. Historiography has remained at the forefront of my research and teaching. 5 See especially the defensive response of Yaroslav Isaievych, then the dean of Ukrainian historians at the National Academy of Sciences in Kyiv, though a Lviv-based scholar himself.